India Medal

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#1
I know that there are some very erudite members on here that may well be able to help. Following on from my last post on 'W.Campbell HLI Painting' it appears that he may well be diffy of a gong; the India Service Medal

Having looked at the web, I can't see any 'qualifying days' criteria, so before I approach the Medal Office, does anyone have any gen?

Service record:

Malta 9/2/95 - 14/2/98
India 15/2/98 - 14/2/99
Ceylon 15/2/99 - 17/2/99

The above just covers this period of service.

Records show that the HLI, 74th were in the Punjab; he was 74th. The period of campaign for the medal is up to the April of 1898, hence asking re number of days.

Any help very much appreciated
 
#2
The only India Service Medal I could find reference to was the one issued in WWII. Do you mean the India GSM, this (apparently) was only issued 1852-1895. However, my info was from Wikipedia, so it may be slightly out...
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#3

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#6
#7

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#8
True-but that is not within the dates posted by the OP:

Service record:

Malta 9/2/95 - 14/2/98
India 15/2/98 - 14/2/99
Ceylon 15/2/99 - 17/2/99

The above just covers this period of service.
4zC, I am the OP. I also stated that the campaign ended in Apr 1898, so he was c55+ days in that campaign period
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#10
Try PM'ing RP578. He may be able to help or point you in the right direction.
Frenchie, the wine owed to you is stacking up! Thank you.

If I have not heard back by Wed from the museum, I will PM for you further help if that is still ok?
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#12
Having read Wiki link again, I believe that he is entitled to the medal as it states 'The India Medal was awarded for various minor military campaigns in India, chiefly for service on the North-West Frontier during 1895 to 1902', so the clasp of 'Punjab' would be about the qualifying period.

Anyone else have a take on this?
 

RP578

LE
Book Reviewer
#13
Having read Wiki link again, I believe that he is entitled to the medal as it states 'The India Medal was awarded for various minor military campaigns in India, chiefly for service on the North-West Frontier during 1895 to 1902', so the clasp of 'Punjab' would be about the qualifying period.

Anyone else have a take on this?

PM sent mate.
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#14
The more I dig into this the more odd it seems to be! Why odd, well attached link is of a VC winner from the 1st Bn. In the timeline it clearly states that he was in India at the battle of Punjab, but if you look at the rack which sold for £140k, there is no India Service Medal with Clasp........Very odd

John Shaul

Another search revealed HLI recipients, to which, only the Officers received the medal.
 

RP578

LE
Book Reviewer
#15
Hi Rod,

Did some digging and you are correct that the 2nd Battalion, Highland Light Infantry (74th) did indeed see active service in the Malakand Field Force on the North West Frontier in 1897-8, but the crucial date here is the 17th January 1898 when the 74th had marched back to their cantonment having successfully concluded their part in the campaign. To this end, Pte Campbell would probably have missed the an opportunity for see active service only arriving in India itself in mid-February and whilst the campaign as a whole went on until April, 2 HLI (74th)'s part in was over before he got there. I've copied an extract of the campaign from "PROUD HERITAGE The Story of the Highland Light Infantry" (Oates, 1961) below. If you want I can email you a copy in word doc format.

The link posted above to John Shaul is erroneous. He did indeed serve in 1 HLI (71st), but was based in Malta in 1895 and then Crete in 1898, having been deployed there with his battalion for the occupation and then back to England.They deployed to South Africa the following year. They moved to Egypt in 1903 and then to India finally in 1904. Cpl Shaul didn't serve in the Punjab campaign and none of his studied biographies claim that he did. Interestingly though he did go on to serve in the 5th South African Infantry in east Africa during the first couple of years in WWI before being med discharged in 1916, but has been pictured wearing the 1914-15 Star which he didn't qualify for as it was restricted to the Western Front theatre. An example how easily people got confused (and still do!) about medals and awards.

Hope this has helped.


WITH THE MALAKAND FIELD FORCE

Old soldier’s ‘wrinkles ‘—the 74th march from Mardan to Malakand—in action against the Mohmands—Hogmanay—-the 74th march against the Bunerwals—the forcing of the Tanga Pass, 7 January 1898—end of the Campaign—respects to the Crag Piquet.

SINCE 1863, when the 71st marched against the Bunerwals with the Yusufzai Field Force, a great deal more had naturally been learnt about the Pathan. In due course the Indian Army learned everything about him, and campaigns in the tribal territory began to be conducted in accordance with certain set rules understood and obeyed by both sides—which turned a frontier campaign into a hard, grisly kind of game, for which, to find a parallel, one must go back to the age of chivalry. This stage had not been reached in 1897; in which year a British soldier was still expected to be capable of fighting anybody, and the idea that any special training might be needed did not occur to the authorities. In fact the British soldier, whose training was largely carried out on the barrack-square, while his officers did theirs in the hunting (the h’image of war) and other sporting fields, did not do at all badly in these circumstances. Such disasters as took place from time to time, in the Crimea, in Zululand and in South Africa were never irretrievable and were principally occasioned either by mal-administration or by setting the soldier a hopeless task.

The British soldier in those days, both officer and man, led an extremely hard and robust life and was, as a consequence, a person to be feared by any enemy in the field. The 74th, having left Cawnpore in such haste and enthusiasm to fight the ‘niggers,’ as the troops gaily and irreverently called the Pathans, were thoroughly disgusted at being kept hanging about on the Frontier for months without firing a shot. In spite of the fact that the battalion had come from Cawnpore and had had no experience of mountain warfare no oppor*tunity was taken of this respite to make up any deficiencies in training. Thus, although the first letters from the theatre of operations repeatedly emphasised the startling fact that ‘its always the same, our shooting is terrible bad,’ it was the for*wards at football who were thus criticised, and not the standard of musketry which, it went without saying, was adequate to see off any ‘n***er.’

Once having crossed the Kabul, although there was no fighting there was a great deal of marching about, and one or two men died from ‘heat apoplexy,’ like the poor Bugle-Major. Whenever anyone died in this or some other manner the Colonel, R. D. B. Rutherford, always came along and punctiliously saluted the corpse; an act which was much appreciated by the rank and file. ‘He (the Colonel) took a great interest in the welfare of his men and was respected by them for his worth,’ one of them wrote. ‘The best of good feeling existed between all ranks, all were kind, agreeable and familiar towards each other without the necessary discipline being lost. . . there was no drink, and,’ he goes on to say, ‘of course there is little or no crime committed.’

This particular old soldier (Pte. Boyle) is, like all his kind, fond of giving advice and tips—’ wrinkles’ he called them— to the young soldier. ‘Patience,’ is his continual cry. ‘Remember Job.’ Soldiers had to look after themselves in his day. After explaining exactly how to make a bivouac, he concludes, ‘and if you are not comfortable you must be hard to please, but here is another wrinkle only mind you aren’t found out. Go to the Commissariat Sergeant and ask for a couple of sacks. Don’t take sugar bags or the ants will trouble you. If he says he has none give one of the native labourers a couple of annas and he’ll soon find you some. Rip up the sides, make a hole half-way up and put it on your uprights, fasten the bottoms to the strings of your guy-pegs, make friends with the Cook and Bakery wallahs, and if you don’t spend a pretty good time of it, well, you want your nurse again.’ He is speaking, it will be remembered, of campaigning on the North-West Frontier of India towards the end of the hot weather. It was the camel transport which taught him the virtues of patience. ‘You leave camp with say, 5 comrades and 9 camel drivers. Camels know a few wrinkles by which to get a rest. They can throw their load off if it is not put on the proper way. Failing this they can cause it to become unevenly balanced, and this makes a halt necessary in order to right it. If foiled in this way they kneel down and no amount of persuasion will make it go on. You coax it, kick it, twist its tail and use up your stock of swear-words. After that see if you have not got a little more patience somewhere (though Job was never on transport duty) sit down and light your pipe. Then when the unt sees you are fed up he slowly raises himself up, looks round and jogs on as if nothing has happened.’

The 74th left for Malakand on 19 September 1897, marching from Mardan through Jallala and Dargai. All ranks were in the highest spirits at the thought of getting to grips with the Pathans at last. The bayonets, which were of the long, triangular variety, secured to the muzzle of the rifle by a couple of rings, had been periodically sharpened ever since the battalion had first mustered at Cawnpore and now had points like needles. This type of bayonet went in too easily and too far and, as the 71st had found during the Mutiny, was by no means reliable against fanatics or savages, for a thrust did not drop them. Many a British soldier during the Indian wars accordingly had the unpleasant experience of being slashed at by a tulwar, by the victim impaled on the end of his bayonet. It was not unusual to lose one’s head in this manner, and it will be remembered how Private Park of the 74th had his throat cut by an impaled Moplah in 1855. ‘The bayonet is of little use against these desperate men,’ wrote Private John Watt, of the 71st, after the action at Morar, ‘When it is drove into them they seize it and cut at you with tulwars until shot down by somebody. Some severe wounds were caused this way.’

The 74th first went into action against the Pathans on 6 October 1897, when in camp at Inayat Killah. The Mohmands began concentrating in the foothills about four miles from the camp and Sir Bindon Blood sent out a small force under command of Colonel Rutherford to deal with them. It is interesting to note, that neither Colonel Ruther*ford nor more than half his troops had fought on the Frontier before. The composition of the force was also a bit peculiar:
Half battalion, 2nd H.L.I., half battalion Guides Infantry,
Half battalion, 1stR.W. Kents, half battalion, 38th Dogras.
Two guns, 8 Bengal Mountain Battery, R.A.
One squadron, Guides Cavalry.
Two sections, Bengal Sappers and Miners.

But it proved quite adequate however. The cavalry trotted out to find the Mohmands; the Guides Infantry formed the advanced guard, being followed by the 74th with the guns, while the Royal West Kents and Dogras provided flank guards. Some seventeen hundred yards from the enemy sangars the 74th were halted and watched the Mohmands ‘slithering about’ on the hillsides engaging the cavalry. Gradually the stan*dards appeared and the Pathans gathered round them. The 74th then advanced and opened fire by company volleys at a range of about fourteen hundred yards. This long-range volley-firing in the British Army at that date was extremely accurate, and effective against any good target. The Pathans hastily disappeared and, as the cavalry were unable to find them again, the force withdrew. The enemy then reappeared in half-hearted attempts against the rear-guard, but were easily driven off. The Mohmands surrendered that evening having had, they said, ‘enough fighting to last them for some time.’ They had only taken up arms, they explained, as the result of rumours that the Sirkar intended to annex their country. ‘If ever a battalion was disgusted at the turn of affairs it was the 2nd H.L.I. ‘ wrote Sergeant Baird, ‘but we live in hopes it won’t be the last chance the old 74th will have up here. We have a good chance of getting an engagement with the Bunerwals, and it is to be hoped they will show fight.’ There is no doubt that it was the high standard of shooting which settled this affair so easily. This had become very remarkable in the British Army since the Crimea, and the enemy could be effectively engaged at ranges which would never be dreamt of today. At Omdurman, for example, the British troops opened fire at seventeen hundred yards, and it will be remembered how in the affair at Kalpi in 1856, the 71st were dropping their advancing enemy at eight hundred yards and over by single shots.

After the capitulation of the Mohmands, Sir Bindon Blood advanced up the Salazai Valley to the east and reached and crossed the Durand Line. A sketch by Major Carteret Carey of the 74th shows him at the village of Pushat, some miles inside Afghanistan. He had only cavalry with him on this occasion, and while he was gone the 74th, like the other infantry, spent its time marching about on convoy and foraging expeditions—also in making threatening motions against the Utman Khels who had not yet paid their fines. The men continued to be thoroughly disgusted with the Pathans for not showing more fight and blamed the political officers with the force for being too soft. The battalion was living very hard, as was of course, inevitable, and was subject to heavy sniping every night. After a hard day’s march there is nothing more irritating, for there is little that can be done about it. It was extremely annoying therefore, that the Pathans never gave them an opportunity to get their own back in the daytime. The tribesmen were not wholly dependent, even in those days, on the ‘ten rupee jezail,’ but possessed a fair number of modern rifles such as Lee-Metfords and Remingtons, with which they could make life in a bivouac at night very unpleasant. When things got too bad, the 74th would send out small parties under sergeants, who would watch for the enemy rifle-flashes and fire volleys in their direction. This proved very effective, and many enemy casualties were caused in this way.

Eventually, on 16 November 1897, the 74th moved with the rest of the force into a tented camp at Kuna on the banks of the Swat River Canal, some fifteen miles to the north-west of Mardan. All the tribes with the exception of the Buners having submitted, the latter were now to be given another month in which to come to terms. This they seemed unlikely to do and so, with the prospect of a hard campaign in the new year, Colonel Rutherford kept his battalion in hard training. ‘Running drill in shirt sleeves for an hour before breakfast every morning, two or three route marches a week in marching order, with parties found for grazing transport, water-pickets, line or company pickets, camp patrols commissariat, hospital and camp guards—our time was pretty well taken up.’ Still, it was not a bad life at all. The 74th took turns with the East and West Kents in giving concert parties, vendors came out from Mardan selling comforts of various kinds, and each man got three pints of beer a day and a tot of rum—which was sufficient to sugar a far worse pill than that which the troops had to swallow at Kunda, on the banks of the Swat River Canal, in 1897.

Christmas came with the usual festivities staged by the English regiments, in which the 74th took no part other than as guests and spectators. Their show came at Hogmanay when, their duties having been taken over by the sympathetic and interested Englishmen they all got drunk in accordance with their usual custom and showed, while under the influence, ‘ their true feelings towards their superiors.’ Exactly when this annual debauch first became customary in Scottish regiments is difficult to say; but this is the first mention of it in the annals of the 71st and 74th. It was no different then from what it is today. The troops showed their true feelings towards their officers by hoisting them shoulder high, staggering aimlessly about with them in this manner and every so often giving them three cheers. If they did not like an officer they felt themselves entitled to tell him so at Hogmanay, but they never seem to have done so yet.

The Bunerwals had made no attempt to come to terms, but had called out the Lashkars, sent to the Afghans for aid, and made ready to defend the passes. Sir Bindon Blood therefore marched against them, giving the 74th inadequate time to sober-up, for tents were struck shortly after midnight on 2 January, 1898. The first day’s march was to Katleng -only thirteen miles; but a terrible thirteen miles. The battalion went straight across country, ignoring such tracks as there were, but ‘fetching a compass’ over mountains, rivers and ravines, including the Kot River which ran swift and deep. The cavalry and horse-drawn artillery and transport were obliged to go by a different route, but the Mountain Batteries with their mules were able to accompany the infantry. The temperature was almost at freezing point and a strong wind and heavy rain continued all day and all night. It is astonishing how the troops stood it, for they were most inadequately clad, but their only complaint was that they were not allowed to leave camp to inspect some ancient ruins nearby. During the campaign the troops had made quite a good thing out of archaeology, for many remains of an old Buddhist culture had been discovered, and the idols and pottery picked up had found a ready market among the officers. To be fair to the soldiers however, they appear to have been genuinely interested in these relics of a bygone civilisation and went out of their way to learn from their officers the story of Alexander, the Moghuls, and other invaders of the past.

From Katleng the force moved up the Gaddar River to Sangao, some five or six miles from the Tanga Pass. Here the troops were ‘agreeably surprised,’ to see the enemy in large numbers waiting along the Tanga heights with their standards waving. After their previous experiences the 74th were still apprehensive lest the Buners would ‘cave in at the last moment,’ but a camp bulletin was issued reporting that they had finally refused terms, and this again put everyone into high spirits.

The force assembled by Sir Bindon Blood for the forthcoming operations consisted of three brigades, two of which were to force the Tanga Pass and the other, which contained all the mounted troops, the Pirsai Pass, further to the east. The 74th were in the 2nd Brigade now lying before Tanga, in which the other units were a Mountain Battery, a Company of Sappers and Miners, the Buffs and the 21st Punjabis. What was described as a ‘ Stage Depot,’ consisting of British and Indian Field Hospitals and a ‘Commissariat Godown,’ had been established at Katleng. Before the assault on the Tanga, the 2nd Brigade was reinforced by a squadron of Bengal Lancers, a Field Battery and five companies of the 3rd Bombay Light Infantry.

Practically the only resemblance between operations on the Frontier in 1898 and those in 1936 lay in the British en*campments and the Pathan sangars. The former were arranged within the well-known defended perimeter, along which all troops in the camp except the camp guards and the reserve had a place to man when the alarm sounded. The Pathan was always watching for an opportunity to charge. When such occurred, and he was enabled to assemble within charging distance with his sword out, he was very difficult to stop, hence the issue—in 1898—of dum-dum bullets. His predilection for the charge however, spoilt his capacity as a guerrilla, for he was always trying to concentrate instead of disperse and thus offered easy targets. Still, it is unlikely that he ever expected to emerge victorious from any campaign— he was usually only out for a little excitement, and when all was over knew that the Sirkar would not be too hard on him. After all, most of the tribesmen had relatives serving the Queen. A typical Frontier incident occurred when Sir Bindon Blood was cantering up the Nahakki Pass at the head of the Guides Cavalry and surprised some armed Mohmands in a village. Knowing the game was up their leader, an old gentleman wearing two British war medals pinned to his ragged shirt, stood to attention and saluted smartly. ‘Good morning, Sir,’ he said to the General. ‘Mornin’,’ answered Sir Bindon, automatically returning the salute. ‘Hi!’ he bellowed, reining back, ‘what the hell do you think you’re doing?’ But the Pathan had fled.

Sir Bindon Blood rode out with the Brigade and battalion commanders to reconnoitre the Tanga on the afternoon of 6 January. He led the reconnaisance to the top of an eminence close to the entrance to the Pass and there gave out his orders, saying that it was his intention to direct the action from that spot on the following day. His plan was to make a direct attack with the Royal West Kents, 74th and 21st Punjabis, supported by the 16th Bengal Infantry, while the 29th Punjabis—with an hour’s start—made a turning move*ment round the enemy’s right flank. While he was speaking the standards of the Bunerwals appeared along the heights flanking the Pass. Twenty-eight of them could be counted, indicating a force of at least two thousand men. Although Sir Bindon Blood had at least double this number of infantry for the assault, it should be remembered that a predominance of three to one was the accepted requirement when storming any position of strength. True, in the British Army it has often been departed from, as has been described in the earlier volumes of this history. In many a siege and assault courage and skill have successfully compensated for lack of numbers. Nevertheless, the old tried rule still held good—and indeed still does.

The Buffs were ordered to hold the camp and follow up after the capture of the heights. It was as well that this role did not fall to the 74th, for the soldiers would certainly not have accepted it in any cheerful frame of mind, after their many disappointments. As things were, they looked forward to the morrow with every intention of showing both the Bunerwals and everyone else who happened to be looking on, that the 74th knew a ‘wrinkle ‘or two about battle-fighting. Preparations for the advance went on up to a late hour, after which volley-firing parties had to be continually sent out to deal with snipers. The effectiveness of these parties was proved on this occasion, for many dead Buners were found lying about near the camp on the following morning. How*ever, all this activity meant that the troops, with a hard day ahead, got little rest. They were to go into action carrying their cardigans and mess tins on their backs; a couple of tins of bully; a spare pair of socks (carried one on each shoulder, under the equipment braces); 165 rounds of ammunition, with rifle, bayonet and equipment. It was a very light order for those days but, while carrying it, the troops were to be required to fight their way up a precipitous, rocky mountain whose summit was a good fifteen hundred feet above the starting line. They were not in the least dismayed at this prospect and spent what was left of the night after all prepara*tions were complete, in singing topical parodies of music-hall songs written by their ‘bards,’ as they still called them, although the old Highlanders, such as Corporal John Mackay of the 71st, would no doubt have been able to think out a more appropriate name

Tell us have you seen them, anywhere at all,
The Mahmunds, or Afridis, or Johnny Boneywal?
Oh-h-h, Holy Moses! when we meet there’ll be a sicht,
For we’re lookin’ for the BONEYWALS tae finish aff the fecht!

On the morning of 7 January 1898, the bugles sounded the advance at 8.30 a.m. and the 74th, with all pipers playing, marched off for the Tanga behind the 21st Punjabis; the Brigade being led by the Royal West Kents. The Buners, who were evidently not feeling at their best, commenced to beat their drums and call loudly on Allah. As the 74th entered the narrow Pass, the echoes turned these sounds into ‘a perfect babel,’ which was soon enhanced by the roar of the supporting artillery and the heavy rifle-fire from the left flank, as the 20th Punjabis, during their outflanking movement along the ridge, came within range of the enemy sangars. The Buffs then came up in rear, deployed along the front of the Commander’s battle headquarters, and opened heavy cover*ing fire as the Royal West Kents on the right; the 21st Punjabis in the centre; and the 74th on the left, were ordered to scale the heights along whose summit the standards were gathered. This was a most formidable operation, for the line of advance was so steep that over much of it rifles had to be slung, in order that both hands might be used. ‘The hill was steep,’ says Private Boyle, ‘and our progress necessarily slow. The enemy did not waste their ammunition; they reserved their fire till we were well up. We advanced as ordered, our Colonel showing very prominently at the head of our regiment and well in front.’ The pipers were also showing up very prominently, and somehow managed to scramble up without ever ceasing to play The Camp bells are Coming; although the 74th were now in the Mackenzie tartan, the colour of which had last been seen by the Bunerwals in ‘63, when the 71st ‘sorted them,’ on the Crag Picquet. It is more than likely that many of them remembered it. As the 74th neared the sangars they passed several obvious ranging-marks, such as ancient ruins and clusters of trees. The bullets came like hail ; so that the advance had to be carried on in rushes —which was no joke after so steep a climb. Like Piper McLauchlan on the ramparts of Badajoz, Piper Sutherland’s music was stopped by a shot through the bag,’ but unlike his famous predecessor he did not succeed in mending it. There were many shots through clothing and equipment, but, miraculously, only one through the body—Private John McMasters, who received a two-ounce ball through his right breast which carried with it into his lung two cartridges from his bandolier. The poor fellow kicked up a fearful row at being taken downhill to the rear, which he seemed to think was a great indignity, and forcefully demanded to be helped in among the enemy. It was a pity that his wish was not granted, for with such a terrible wound he had no hope anyway.

As the distance narrowed several Buners made gallant charges against the advancing 74th, but they were not supported by their friends and were killed. One, who was taken prisoner surrendered his sword with an air that would not have disgraced a French aristocrat and cheerfully informed his captors that now they had him they were welcome to keep him, for he had always wanted to be a soldier. The remaining Buners did not wait for the 74th to get in amongst them with the bayonet, and when the bugles sounded the charge and the battalion at last reached the summit, the enemy were seen running down the hill and along the valley. ‘Our pipers played, we gave a cheer, then we fell out to eat our bully beef and biscuits and have a good drink from our water bottles.’ The Boneywals had been duly ‘sorted,’ and a man could now relax.

All the other passes into their habitat having been forced in the same manner the Buners, having made their gesture surrendered, and there is no more to tell. The 74th were quartered for some time in various Pathan villages, ‘and if the Buners had shown half so much perseverance as the bugs they might have driven us out of the country.’ ‘Showing the flag,’ the battalion marched all over the land, ‘greatly disappointed at not getting a fight,’ but compensated to some extent by ‘finds.’ ‘I found a pair of ram’s horns, richly carved, also a Koran stand richly carved and ingeniously cut out of one piece of wood, also a grain shovel about two feet long, the blade consisting of the upper part of a thistle; the handle forming the stem. I also found a condensed milk tin, two pages of the New York World and a pair of boots belonging to the Royal Irish Rifles.’ By 17 January the battalion, on its way out of tribal territory, reached the village of Ambeyla. ‘We looted the village, numerous articles being found which had belonged to the 71st and had fallen into the hands of the Boners in 1863. I found a native with an old army watch cloak. I took it from him ; he said he had given two goats for it ten years before ; it was numbered 71, so I burned it as I did not like the idea of leaving it in his posses*sion, seeing it belonged to one of the 71st H.L.I.’

The 74th marched down through the Ambeyla Pass and halted by the Crag Picquet to present arms, while the Pipers played The Flowers of the Forest and Mackenzie Highlanders and ‘all felt proud to be on this spot, and to have avenged the losses of our First Battalion who had suffered so severely in 1863.’ Thus it is shown how the two old regiments, though still retaining their several characteristics, were now indeed one, so that henceforth whosoever harmed the one harmed both—though, with regard to this particular incident it must be emphasised, in justice to the 71st, that the regiment had proved to be perfectly competent to avenge its own losses.
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#16
RP,

Many, many thanks for your efforts on this and I think you are spot on. The confusion of course is the 'criteria' given for this medal; very little. This has been really interesting researching him, indeed, today I found Company pics of 2 HLI taken in Aldershite prior to embarking for France, of which, two photos appear to show the old sweat (he was 38!! Can anyone imagine going to the hell-hole at 38???). Remarkable man.

RP, thanks again mate
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#17
I managed to find this which outlines Army Order 71, India Service Medal. What is worth noting from this extract and RP's, there is no mention at all of the HLI! Bloody baffling stuff at times, anyhow:

On June 3rd, 1898, it was announced that Queen Victoria had commanded that the India Medal of North-west jSpj, with bars, should be granted to the troops em- f^8 ntier> ployed in the recent operations on the North- West Frontier, as follows : With bar inscribed Punjab Frontier, 1897-8:

1. To all troops who proceeded beyond Edwardesbad between June loth, 1897, an d January 3Oth, 1898;

2. To all beyond Jalala between July 26th, 1897, an< ^ January 23rd, 1898

3. To all present at the action of Shabkadar on August 9th, 1897 to a ll forming part of the Mohmand Field Force; to all forming part of the garrisons of and present at Jamrud, Hari Sing-ka Burj, Bara, and all outposts in the Peshawar Valley south of the line Jamrud-Peshawar, between August 23rd, 1897, an d April 6th, 1898

4. To all form- ing part of the garrisons of and present at the posts on the Samana and posts beyond Kohat, from Kohat to Parachinar, between August 27th and October 2nd, 1897

5. To a ll wno to k part in the action in the Ublan Pass on August 27th, 1897, an d subsequent actions on the Samana and beyond Kohat, up to October 2nd, 1897

6. To a ll forming part of the Tirah Expeditionary Force, who proceeded beyond either Kohat or Pesha- war between October 2nd, 1897, a d April 6th, 1898. Bar inscribed Malakand, 1^97.

7. To all troops ;yond Jalala who Malakand and August 2nd, 1897. beyond Jalala who took part in the defence and relief of Malakand and Chakdara between July 26th and i4cr BRITISH WAR MEDALS Bar inscribed Samana, 1897. To all troops form- sama g na, ing part of the garrisons of the posts on the Samana ' and posts beyond Kohat, from Kohat to Parachinar, 'i>etween August a;th and October 2nd, 1897; and all who took part in the action in the Ublan Pass on August 2;th, 1897, and subsequent actions on the Samana and beyond Kohat up to October 2nd, 1897. Bar inscribed Tirah, 1897-

8. To all troops form- Tirah, ing part of the Tirah Expeditionary Force who pro- 8> ceeded beyond either Kohat or Peshawar between October 2nd, 1897, an d April 6th, 1898;

to the troops of the Kurram Movable Column ; and to the Peshawar Column. A bronze medal with bars of similar pattern was given to all authorised Government followers and followers of Imperial Service troops who accompanied the troops in the operations mentioned. The following combinations of bars are met with, though doubtless others exist : ONE BAR. Two BARS (continued). Defence of Chitral 1895. Punjab Frontier 1891-8, Waz- Relief of Chitral 1895. iristan, 1901-2. Punjab Frontier 1897-8. Malakand 1897. THREE BARS. Samana 1897. ReUe f o j Chitral 1895, Punjab lirah 1X97-8. Frontier 1897-8, Tirah 1897- o Two BARS. Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Sam- Samana 1897, Punjab Fron- ana 1897, Tirah 1897-8. tier 1897-8. ReUe f O f Chitral 1895, Mala- Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Tirah kand 1897, Punjab Frontier 1897-8. 1897-8. Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Mala- Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Sam- kand 1897. ana 1897, Waziristan, 1901-2 Relief of Chitral 1895, Punjab Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Mala- Frontier 1897-8. kand 1897, Tirah 1897-8. AND DECORATIONS. 141 FOUR BARS. Relief of Chitral 1895, Sam- Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Mala- ana 1897, Punjab Frontier hand 1897, Samana 1891, 1897-8, Tirah 1897-8. Tirah 1897-8. Samana 1897, Punjab Frontier 1897-8, Tirah 1897-8, Wazir- istan 1901-2. The

following troops formed the Mohmand Field Force, of 10,624 men : FIRST BRIGADE. 2nd Battalion Argyll and Sutherland High- landers; ist Sikhs; ist Punjab Infantry; 33rd Bengal Infan- try; six guns of the Peshawar Battery; 2nd Company of the Bengal Sappers and Miners ; and the Hospital Staff. SECOND BRIGADE. 3rd Battalion Rifle Brigade ; i4th Sikhs ; 6th Bengal Infantry; 25th Punjab Infantry; one squadron ist Punjab Cavalry ; four guns of 6th Bombay Mountain Battery ; 5ist Field Battery; i3th Bengal Lancers; Somersetshire Light Infantry. The following troops were in the Malakand Force of 10,421 men : FIRST BRIGADE. ist Battalion Somersetshire Light Infantry; 2ist Bengal Infantry; 2nd Battalion ist Goorkhas. SECOND BRIGADE. 2nd Battalion Oxfordshire Light Infan- try ; gth Goorkhas ; 37th Bengal Infantry ; i3th Bengal Lancers ; 3rd Mountain Battery, R.A. ; No. 5 Bombay Moun- tain Battery; 28th Bombay Infantry; No. 5 Company Bengal Sappers and Miners; one Regiment Imperial Service Troops; No. 8 Bengal Mountain Battery; No. 4 Company Bengal Sappers and Miners; and two squadrons nth Bengal Lancers. THIRD BRIGADE. ist Battalion Royal West Surrey Regi- ment; 22nd Bengal Infantry; 39th Bengal Infantry; No. i Mountain Battery, R.A. ; No. 3 Company Bengal Sappers and Miners; two squadrons nth Bengal Lancers; K Battery, R.H.A. ; and two squadrons nth Hussars and 4th Dragoon Guards. The following troops were in the Samana Force : FIRST BRIGADE. ist Battalion Royal West Kent Regiment, 24111 and 3ist Punjab Infantry; 45th Sikhs. SECOND BRIGADE. ist Battalion the "Buffs"; Guides In- fantry; 35th Sikhs; 38th Dogras ; 8th Bengal Mountain Battery ; 5th Company Bengal Sappers and Miners ; and two squadrons nth Bengal Lancers. 142 BRITISH WAR MEDALS THIRD BRIGADE. ist Battalion the Queen's Regiment; 22nd Punjab Infantry; 38th Bengal Infantry; 39th Gahrwalis ; one battery, R.A. ; 3rd Company Bengal Sappers and Miners ; two squadrons nth Bengal Lancers; one squadron loth Bengal Lancers ; half company Madras Sapper's. The following troops composed the Tirah Field Force of 32,161 men : FIRST DIVISION : First Brigade. 2nd Battalion Devonshire Regiment; 2nd Battalion ist Goorkhas; 3oth Bengal Infantry. Second Brigade. 2nd Battalion Yorkshire Regiment; ist Battalion Royal West Surrey Regiment; 2nd Battalion 4th Goorkhas; 3rd Sikh Infantry; No. i Mountain Battery, R.A. ; No. 2 Derajat Mountain Battery; No. i Kohat Mountain Bat- tery; two squadrons i8th Bengal Cavalry; 28th Bombay Infantry; 3rd and 4th Companies Bombay Sappers and Miners; Kapurthala Infantry ; Maler Kotla Sappers ; 2nd Battalion Royal Irish Regiment. SECOND DIVISION : First Brigade. ist Battalion Gordon Highlanders; ist Battalion Dorset Regiment; ist Battalion 2nd Goorkhas ; i5th Bengal Infantry. Second Brigade. 2nd Battalion King's Own Borderers ; ist Battalion Northampton Regiment; ist Battalion 3rd Goorkhas; 36th Bengal Infantry; Nos. 8 and 9 Mountain Batteries, R.A. ; No. 5 Bombay Moun- tain Battery; two squadrons i8th Bengal Cavalry; 2 ist Madras Infantry; No. 4 Company Madras Sappers and Miners; Jhin< Infantry; Sirmoor Sappers. COMMUNICATIONS. 22nd Bengal Infantry^; 2nd Battalion 2nd Goorkhas; 39th Bengal Infantry; 2nd Punjab Infantry; 3rd Bengal Cavalry; Jeypore and Gwalior Transport Corps. PESHAWAR COLUMN. 2nd Battalion Royal Inniskillen Fusiliers ; 2nd Battalion Oxford Light Infantry ; gth and 45th Bengal Infantry; 57th Field Battery, R.A. ; 3rd Mountain Bat- tery, R.A. ; gth Bengal Cavalry; No. 5 Company Benj Sappers and Miners. KURAM COLUMN. i2th Bengal Infantry; Nabha Infantry four guns 3rd Field Battery, R.A. ; 6th Bengal Cavalry; Central India Horse. RAWUL PINDI BRIGADE (in reserve; 3776 men). 2nd Bat- talion Yorkshire Light Infantry; ist Battalion Duke of Corn- wall's Light Infantry; 27th Bombay Infantry; 2nd Hyderaba( Infantry; Jodhphur Lancers. In June, 1898, a bar was issued with the Khedive'i Soudan Medal, inscribed, The Atbara, to all th< AND DECORATIONS. 143 troops who took part in the battle on April 8th, 1898; ^jf^' and all troops who served at, and south of, Abu- Hamed on that date received the medal without the bar. Those already in possession of the medal received the bar only. The following were the British regiments engaged : ist Battalion Royal Warwickshire; ist Battalion Lincoln- shire; ist Battalion Seafortk Highlanders; ist Battalion Cameron Highlanders.
 
#18
The following is from Spink British Battles & Medals (E.C. Joslin, A.R Litherland, and B.T Simpkin)
India Medal 1895-1902
Seven Bars
Defence of Chitral (3rd March to 19th Apr 1895)

Relief of Chitral (7th March to 15th Aug 1895)

Punjab Frontier 1897-98 (10th June 1897 to 2nd Aug 1898)

Malakand 1897 (26th July to 2nd Oct 1897)

Samana 1897 (2nd Aug to 2nd Oct 1897)

Tirah 1897-98 (2nd Oct 1897 to 6th Oct 1898)

Tirah 1897-98 (2nd Oct to 6th Apr 1898)

Waziristan 1901-02 (23rd Nov 1901 to 1902)

It lists each British and Indian regiment that was present in each campaign and how many to each. the list for the Punjab Frontier 1897-98 lists 2nd Bn HLI being awarded the medal but not how many.
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#19
The following is from Spink British Battles & Medals (E.C. Joslin, A.R Litherland, and B.T Simpkin)
India Medal 1895-1902
Seven Bars
Defence of Chitral (3rd March to 19th Apr 1895)

Relief of Chitral (7th March to 15th Aug 1895)

Punjab Frontier 1897-98 (10th June 1897 to 2nd Aug 1898)

Malakand 1897 (26th July to 2nd Oct 1897)

Samana 1897 (2nd Aug to 2nd Oct 1897)

Tirah 1897-98 (2nd Oct 1897 to 6th Oct 1898)

Tirah 1897-98 (2nd Oct to 6th Apr 1898)

Waziristan 1901-02 (23rd Nov 1901 to 1902)

It lists each British and Indian regiment that was present in each campaign and how many to each. the list for the Punjab Frontier 1897-98 lists 2nd Bn HLI being awarded the medal but not how many.
Now that is interesting. No mention on 1 Bn, although both Shaul and Campbell were there, the former a year earlier and appears to have seen conflict.........Bloody CLERKS: Screwing things up since 1897!
 

Rod924

LE
Kit Reviewer
#20
What number do the cool smilies cover?

Many thanks for this btw

The following is from Spink British Battles & Medals (E.C. Joslin, A.R Litherland, and B.T Simpkin)
India Medal 1895-1902
Seven Bars
Defence of Chitral (3rd March to 19th Apr 1895)

Relief of Chitral (7th March to 15th Aug 1895)

Punjab Frontier 1897-98 (10th June 1897 to 2nd Aug 1898)

Malakand 1897 (26th July to 2nd Oct 1897)

Samana 1897 (2nd Aug to 2nd Oct 1897)

Tirah 1897-98 (2nd Oct 1897 to 6th Oct 1898)

Tirah 1897-98 (2nd Oct to 6th Apr 1898)

Waziristan 1901-02 (23rd Nov 1901 to 1902)

It lists each British and Indian regiment that was present in each campaign and how many to each. the list for the Punjab Frontier 1897-98 lists 2nd Bn HLI being awarded the medal but not how many.
 

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