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Aftermath of Massereene Killings

#1
The week the funerals returned

After the Real IRA told Suzanne Breen that the organisation had carried out the Massereene shootings, the Sunday Tribune's Northern Editor canvassed the republican community, finding more support than many would like to believe for the three killings in three days that stirred echoes of the Troubles
Kate Carroll at the funeral of her husband PSNI?officer Stephen Carroll, who was murdered by the Continuity IRA on Monday night

I was in a Belfast shopping centre about to go into Sainsburys to buy the evening's groceries when the call came through to my mobile phone.

"Is that Suzanne Breen?"

"Yes."

"Are you recording this conversation?"

I told the male caller I
wasn't.

"This is the Real IRA's South Antrim brigade. We're claiming responsibility for the gun attack on Massereene British army base," he said.

"We make no apology for killing British soldiers while they continue to occupy Ireland. Nor do we apologise for shooting the pizza delivery men who were collaborating with the British military personnel by servicing them. A further statement from the Real IRA will follow."

The caller was calm and relaxed, while I panicked that I'd neither pen nor paper with me. I asked him for a codeword. "Blackwater. Fragile," he said. I ran home trying to keep his exact statement in my head.

That was last Sunday evening. The attack deeply worried the security services because Antrim isn't a nationalist, let alone republican, area.

Three men were arrested yesterday of part of the investigation into the attack.

On Monday night, a Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) officer was shot dead in Craigavon by the Continuity IRA. Three people killed by republicans within 48 hours. This wasn't meant to happen in the new Northern Ireland.

At first, Sinn Féin's response on Massereene was watery. Such "actions" were "wrong and counterproductive", Gerry Adams said. Hardly stern stuff. It wasn't that the party harbours a sneaking regard for the dissidents, as some unionists suspect. Just that it was walking a tightrope – trying to appease unionists and new Sinn Féin voters, while not alienating its traditional base.

But then Martin McGuinness got tough. After Craigavon, he called the killers traitors to Ireland. His words put clear green water between the Provisionals and the organisations which have now assumed the mantle of physical-force republicanism. Those he denounced were equally scathing. One dissident said: "We're going to print T-shirts with the slogan, 'If Martin McGuinness is a republican, I'm proud to be a traitor'."

The body count in Iraq and Afghanistan makes the Northern killings' seem small fry. So why the huge international coverage? It's because Northern Ireland was meant to be a normal western democracy with shiny new shopping centres and luxury hotels. Physical-force republicans were yesterday's men.

The vast majority of Northerners – unionist and nationalist – are appalled by these attacks. But that sentiment isn't unanimously shared in traditional republican areas – there's no point pretending otherwise. Within hours of Massereene a text joke was circulating: "They ordered Dominos pizzas and got the Goodfellas as well."

The peace process certainly isn't on the verge of collapse and Sinn Féin will remain electorally strong. But the party will have problems stemming some flow to dissidents in republican heartlands. Sinn Féin is seen by some previously diehard supporters as having no strategy for Irish unity. Those who proclaimed a united Ireland by 2016 can't even secure an Irish-language act or stadium at the Maze.

And suited Sinn Féin leaders at Stormont will struggle to look sexy to nationalist youth in coming years if dissidents are on the streets with guns. The massacre of 29 civilians in Omagh has hung over dissidents. However, the more security-force casualties they inflict, the more the image of Omagh will recede among the republican base. The same was unfortunately true for the Provisionals over Bloody Friday, La Mon and Enniskillen.

Richard O'Rawe, former IRA PRO in the H-Blocks during the 1981 hunger strike, is no apologist for dissident attacks, but he sees increasing disillusionment with Sinn Féin: "Many guys who did time, who did the killings, who were at the coal face, are now unemployed or unemployable because of their republican past, while the impression is of some Sinn Féin figures lining their pockets at Stormont and buying second homes in Portugal and Donegal."

O'Rawe distinguishes between the two attacks: "Massereene had an aura of professionalism. Those guys weren't kids. They knew what they were doing. Craigavon seemed less planned and more opportunistic. Perhaps once the Real IRA had inflicted fatalities, Continuity upped their game to get a kill."

But O'Rawe makes no moral distinction: "Neither attack is justified. It's immoral to fight a campaign you can't win. Their armed struggle won't drive the British into the sea. We in the Provisional IRA couldn't do it after 35 years and we'd an organisation the likes of which Michael Collins would have envied. People don't want to return to those dark days of shootings and funerals. They want to live their lives in peace."

So should nationalists inform on dissidents? "That's a matter for individual consciences," O'Rawe says. "But it shouldn't be done lightly. These people have already killed. Sinn Féin leaders say 'inform' but if somebody stands up in a witness box during a trial and says 'Johnny Bloggs down the street fired the shot', that person will be shot dead."

Unlike O'Rawe, former hunger striker and IRA bomber Marian Price isn't opposed to the attacks: "The British soldiers shot were in Ireland and were going to occupy Afghanistan. Had they stayed in their own country, they'd be alive today." Price, a 32-County Sovereignty Movement member, is speaking personally and not for the group.

She accuses her former comrades of hypocrisy: "It's ridiculous for Sinn Féin to argue that those responsible have no mandate. Gerry Kelly and I were part of the same unit that bombed the Old Bailey. The SDLP, not Sinn Féin, had a huge electoral mandate from nationalists then. Gerry, myself, and others on the operation viewed the SDLP and their mandate with absolute contempt. Martin McGuinness goes to a dead policeman's home to pay his respects. Did he visit the home of Paul Quinn who was beaten to death by south Armagh Provisionals?"

Willie Gallagher from Strabane, who spent 18 years in jail as an INLA prisoner, says: "I don't see the point in fighting a war you've no chance of winning. That's why I took no satisfaction in the death of the police officer even though I've been harassed throughout my life.

"I've been beaten up and down the street by the RUC. Once, during interrogation, they broke my hand. The PSNI hasn't physically harmed me but, if I walked through Strabane town centre now, I'd be stopped and searched. What's your name, date of birth and all that jazz, even though they know well who I am.

"Just before Christmas, the PSNI threatened to arrest my two wee lads, who are eight and five, because they couldn't find my mobile phone and they suspected the children had taken it to school."

While Gallagher doesn't endorse the dissident attacks, he won't condemn them. "And I certainly wouldn't inform. The police could beat me black and blue again and I'd tell them nothing. Indeed, if I saw a British or police undercover operation which might result in the death, injury or capture of fellow republicans, I'd pass the information onto the relevant people to warn them."

The INLA is on ceasefire but if there was a sustained loyalist response to dissident attacks, Gallagher reckons this could change: "I don't believe the INLA would respond to a one-off sectarian attack but if there was a concerted campaign, the INLA would have to rethink its ceasefire to defend the nationalist community."

Mickey Donnelly from Derry was one of 14 internees whom the British used as human guinea pigs in 1971. "I thought these [dissident] attacks were a long time coming," he says. "Catholics leaving chapel have condemned them but that's not the full story. There's graffiti beside Craigavon Bridge in Derry saying, 'Your pizzas are getting cold' and in the Bogside saying, 'God bless the gunmen'."

Republican Sinn Féin member Geraldine Taylor, from west Belfast, was one of a dozen women interned in 1971: "My politics haven't changed. The only difference in the North is the Brits are in their barracks now, not on the streets. There are still 5,000 of them here and
thousands more can be flown back at a moment's notice so it's a lie to suggest they've left. When Martin McGuinness was a senior IRA member, how many bullets did the IRA put in people's heads? Would he call himself a traitor to Ireland for that?"

Taylor refuses to condemn Massereene or Craigavon: "Three families are suffering terribly. It's regrettable people have to lose their lives. But those responsible are the British government. They didn't fire the bullets but they're the reason they were fired."

Despite the strong opinion of republicans such as Taylor, the condemnation of dissidents across the North is extensive. But no amount of peace rallies or clerical denunciation will have the slightest impact on the Real or Continuity IRA.

Many unionists once hostile to Sinn Féin were impressed by Martin McGuinness's words and hope the nationalist community pays heed. The recession certainly won't hurt the dissidents. Young people with poor economic prospects often feel they've little to lose.

Francie Molloy, now a Sinn Féin Assembly member, made a forceful speech on the 24th anniversary of South Armagh IRA leader Michael McVerry, who was shot dead by British soldiers after placing a bomb at a barracks.

"Michael McVerry brought the struggle to the British. He didn't sit back and wait for the Brits coming but led from the front... brought it out of this area and took on the Brits," Molloy said. When he died, McVerry was wanted for at least 10 killings.

The South Armagh brigade didn't just target police and soldiers. It ambushed an Indian immigrant worker delivering meals to Crossmaglen barracks. He died in a hail of bullets, returning from the base. Last week, two pizza men lay injured in hospital as three security-force members went to early graves.

Things have changed so much in the North; yet they haven't changed at all.

March 15, 2009
 
#2
Unshakeable believers in the power of the bullet
Suzanne Breen
Three dissident republicans groups have pledged to continue to wage war

The three Real IRA men heading towards Massareene British Army base wouldn't have known what awaited them. As they drove through the countryside in staunchly unionist south Antrim, they would have wondered if the SAS would ambush them before they even stepped out of the car to launch their attack.

The Chief Constable, Hugh Orde, had just said undercover British military intelligence forces had been employed because of the increasing republican threat. The Real IRA could have been driving into a trap. The men would also have known the armed security guards on the barracks' gate could easily return fire. Yet they continued.

So were they lunatics blinded by outlandish ideas which caused them not only to take lives but to risk their own, or did they have a strategy? Last year, I conducted a three-hour interview with two representatives of the Real IRA Army Council.

They were ruthlessly uncompromising but they were certainly not mad. Questions were met with rigorous replies which, however unrepresentative of wider Irish society, fitted the rationale of traditional physical-force republicanism.

"Our goal is the same as the IRA's has always been – to force a British withdrawal. We're no different to the men and women of 1916, 1919 or 1969. Past generations of republicans are always used to condemn the present generation," the Real IRA leader said. "We're emerging from a three-year period of reorganisation in preparation for a renewed offensive."

The Real IRA has undergone internal restructuring in which some members have been expelled and units disbanded in an attempt to tighten up the organisation. Fresh recruits have now joined seasoned activists. The Real IRA had a "new confidence", its representative said. It wasn't frightened to kill, no matter what the security response might be. Massareene would later prove his warning.

I left with no doubt this was a deadly serious and professional outfit. That was also reinforced by the extreme security measures it took in setting up the interview along the border. The Real IRA has nowhere near the membership or support network the Provisionals had. But to claim the entire organisation could meet in a phone box is nonsensical.

The south Antrim attack alone would have involved up to 12 personnel – in terms of those providing the information, lifting the weapons from the arms dump and transporting them to the unit, buying the getaway car, arranging for the other car after the getaway vehicle was abandoned, and providing the safe house for the gunmen in the immediate aftermath.

The Real IRA has an estimated 200 members. Its weapons include a mix of former Provisional IRA arms taken from that organisation and new Eastern European weapons. Formed in 1997 by senior Provisionals who opposed the second IRA ceasefire and Sinn Féin's political direction, it has proved remarkably resilient.

Its death knell was thought to be the Omagh bomb massacre in which 29 civilians were killed. There've been numerous attempts to infiltrate the organisation by MI5, the Garda and the FBI. MI5/FBI agent David Rupert received millions of pounds for his efforts, a payout unprecedented in paramilitary history.

Despite what unionists believe, the Provisional IRA has genuinely tried to crush its rival. Real IRA members have been abducted, beaten and threatened with death. Belfast Brigade OC Joe O'Connor was shot dead by the Provisionals.

The Real IRA is incapable of mounting a sustained campaign similar to that of the Provisionals in the '70s and '80s with attacks on a daily basis. However, even an infrequent campaign with unpredictable shootings and bombings of high-profile targets would put immense pressure on the peace process.

Real IRA leaders know their campaign will not force a British withdrawal from the North in the short- or medium-term. They seem in it for the long haul. Their short-term objective will be to prevent the Stormont administration, or any settlement which falls short of Irish unity, succeeding.

The scenes of security-force snipers and heavily armed police back on the streets will be viewed as a success by the Real IRA because it reverses the normalisation of Northern Ireland society and policing.

Each 'successful' Real IRA attack is armed propaganda for the organisation because of its publicity and recruiting value. Targeting Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) officers raises tensions in the North, while targeting British soldiers brings extensive international publicity. The Real IRA expressed a desire to launch attacks in Britain itself. Whether it has the operational capacity remains to be seen.

The Continuity IRA, which killed the PSNI officer in Lurgan, was formed in 1986 following the split in the Provisional movement over abstentionism from the Dail. Its failure to inflict fatalities on the security force in its 23 year history led many to believe it was moribund. That was not the case.

The Real and Continuity IRA's attacks, within 48 hours of each other, were not co-ordinated as it might seem. Massareene most likely 'encouraged' the Continuity to take action. Although the two groups share similar goals, they've no organisational links and don't mount joint operations as they once did. The pattern of activists floating from one organisation to the other has also stopped.

The Real IRA appears strongest in Derry, south Down, east Tyrone, and Fermanagh but has a wider geographical spread of members than the other dissident groups. Continuity has a presence in north Armagh, Fermanagh, and Belfast. The third dissident group, Oglaigh na hEireann (ONH), a Real IRA splinter group formed three years ago, is strongest in Belfast (where it carries out regular punishment attacks) and south Armagh. The security forces are concerned about the skills of an ONH bomb-maker.

The Real IRA is the largest and deadliest of the three groups. The key to its survival is whether ordinary nationalists pass information to police. During the Provisional IRA campaign, SDLP members and supporters were usually too terrified to do so regardless of what the party leadership might have said. Time will tell whether Sinn Féin's attempts to encourage nationalists to give information following republican attacks succeeds.

The Real IRA refuses to accept that the Provisional IRA campaign failed militarily.

It contends there was ample weaponry and activists but a Sinn Féin leadership, more interested in winning elections, manoeuvred a decline in the armed struggle and even prevented the use of a significant amount of Libyan arms. The Real IRA boasts that it is answerable to no political party.

It's difficult to see how it can be talked or tempted into the peace process. Its conviction that the bullet, with no accompanying ballot box, is the best way forward, seems unshakeable as does its 'Brits out or nothing' political position.

For years, the Provisionals had contact with the Dublin government through west Belfast priests; and with MI6 through Derry go-betweens, Denis Bradley and Brendan Duddy. When I raised the issue of direct or indirect talks with London or Dublin, the Real IRA said they'd no interest in dialogue "through Bradley, Duddy or any Redemptorist priests".

Encouraging the Real IRA in from the militant margins looks impossible. The people I interviewed didn't seem the type to be wooed by the possibility of one day securing White House invitations.

March 15, 2009
Sunday Tribune
 
#3
Fragmented dissidents growing in strength and murderous unity

The Provo killer Dominic McGlinchey is a hero to the republican groups behind the recent attacks, writes Jim Cusack

IF VERY few people under the age of 30 have ever heard the name Dominic McGlinchey, fewer still will have heard the name Lesley Gordon or that of her father William.

Lesley Gordon was a 10-year-old schoolgirl. Each morning, Lesley's father drove Lesley and her brother to Culnady school from their home in Maghera, Co Derry. He was a low-paid factory worker who supplemented his income by joining the Ulster Defence Regiment, the locally-recruited part-time force set up to assist the regular police and army in the North.

In February 1978, McGlinchey murdered Lesley and her father with a bomb placed under the family car which was triggered when the car began to move. Both died instantly. Lesley's seven-year-old brother survived.

The Gordons were two of about 20 people murdered by McGlinchey and his Provisional IRA gang in the south Derry/west Tyrone/north Antrim area between 1976 and 1978. McGlinchey and Francis Hughes, later to die on hunger strike in the Maze Prison, led what was termed the South Derry Brigade of the IRA.

McGlinchey and Hughes specialised in the type of frontal assault with automatic weapons that was carried out in Antrim last weekend. On one occasion, they shot up a police station not far from the Massereene British army barracks and escaped by boat across Lough Neagh to their base near the village of Bellaghy in south Derry. The car used in the attack on Massereene barracks last week in which two soldiers were killed was found several miles away to the north west of Antrim. It was headed in the general direction of Bellaghy, where Dominic McGlinchey and Francis Hughes are buried in the local graveyard.

Senior security sources say the gunmen were well trained and used modern weapons. But they failed to destroy the getaway car when an incendiary device did not explode and this may lead to crucial forensic evidence being recovered.

Sources also say that in Craigavon, the sniper involved in the attack on the PSNI seems to have deliberately targeted the Catholic PSNI officer Stephen Carroll, who was still inside his car, while other officers, providing easier targets, were ignored. They also believe the attacks were co-ordinated and this is a source of concern as previously the dissident groups appeared to be fragmented and at odds with each other.

The so-called Real IRA, the group that claimed the Massereene attack, has links with criminals and its members in Dublin are directly involved in drug dealing. In February last year, members of the group shot dead 19-year-old Darren Guerinne at Bluebell in Dublin. Gardai believe Guerinne owed a drug debt and that his murder was ordered from the wing in Portlaoise Prison where the dissident republican prisoners are held.

Last month it also murdered a Derry drug dealer, Jim McConnell, 39. Local sources say McConnell was murdered because he refused to pay protection money. In February last year the Real IRA from Derry also murdered another petty criminal, Andrew Burns, 27, after accusing him of being an informant. The group used the title, 'Oglaigh na hEireann', in claiming responsibility for the murder.

The Real IRA has been very active in the north west, particularly in Derry and Strabane. In November 2007, it shot and seriously wounded a policeman as he dropped his children at school. Again, the PSNI officer was targeted because he was a Catholic.

The Real IRA was founded in 1997 by a group which broke away from the Provisional IRA after an IRA 'army convention' in Donegal voted to end the 'armed struggle' and opt for purely peaceful tactics to pursue the Sinn Fein goal of a united Ireland. The leader of the breakaway group, Michael McKevitt, from Blackrock, Co Louth was the 'quartermaster general' of the IRA in charge of its weapons dumps. He managed to acquire an unknown amount of weapons and explosives before the bulk of weapons was moved out of his control. McKevitt is now serving a 20-year jail term in Portlaoise. His place has been taken by his former second-in-command, Seamus McGrane, 54, from Dromiskin, Co Louth.

McGrane was a member of the Provisional IRA 'army executive', the 12-member group which headed the organisation. He put a position paper opposing the ceasefire at the Donegal convention, then left when he and McKevitt, and their followers, were out-voted by the membership which supported Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness.

In 1999, gardai arrested McGrane as he was running a training camp at Stamullen, Co Meath. Gardai recovered a new Russian-manufactured missile launcher which had been smuggled into Ireland from the Balkans. McGrane received a six-year sentence but was released after only two years on health grounds. McGrane has since made a full recovery.

The Real IRA is also heavily involved in cigarette smuggling and it is quite possible that it has been smuggling weapons into the country too.

Gardai and the security services in the North have received reports in the past year of former Provisional IRA members aligning themselves with the Real IRA, particularly in Belfast and south Down. The Real IRA was responsible for a 300lbs bomb near the British army base at Ballykinlar, Co Down last month. The device was fitted with a booby-trap and was designed to kill army technical officers, but they succeeded in defusing it. It is believed to have been designed by a former Provisional IRA bomb-maker from the area whose landmines killed several members of the security forces in the Eighties and early Nineties.

The so-called Continuity IRA, which claimed the murder of Constable Carroll, is led by a member of its political wing, Republican Sinn Fein (RSF). This political group, led by Ruairi O Bradaigh, has gained strength in recent years and now claims to have established a cumann in every county of Ireland. O Bradaigh's organisation places a great deal of emphasis on claiming ownership of the traditions of militant republicanism. It has taken over the annual commemoration in Monaghan of the deaths of IRA men Fergal O'Hanlon and Sean South, killed in an attack on Brookeborough RUC Station in 1957. At this year's commemoration in January, the address, previously made by a prominent Sinn Fein members, was given by RSF ard comhairle member John Joe McCusker. O'Hanlon and South were militant republican icons in the Sixties and Seventies and the appearance of O'Hanlon's brother, Maoiliosa O hAnluain, was seen as official endorsement of RSF's rightful inheritance of the republican tradition.

The Continuity IRA was given its name by Colonel Tom Maguire, the last surviving member of the first Dail. The group was ill-organised and largely dormant until a few years ago when it began making attempts to murder police officers in Fermanagh. In the past year or so, it has acquired new weapons as well as "home-made" but effective missile launchers from old Provisional IRA dumps. It has established itself and, until last Monday night, was most active in north Monaghan and south Fermanagh. In Craigavon, it has a stronghold in the Ardowen estate where Constable Carroll was killed.

The Continuity group has been unable to develop in the Republic because of the actions of the Garda Special Branch which has successfully disrupted its activities since its formation, arresting and gaining successful prosecutions against dozens of members. However, with the disbandment of the old Royal Ulster Constabulary Special Branch -- a direct result of the political peace process and the "reform" of the force into the PSNI -- the Continuity IRA has been able to gain footholds in the North.

Garda sources noted the apparent co-ordination of the two attacks last week which, they believe, indicates that the two groups are working in unison. Members of both groups were involved in the planning and execution of the bombing in Omagh in 1998 which killed 31 people including Avril Monaghan, 30, and her unborn twins. Mrs Monaghan's 20-month-old daughter Maura was also killed.

Michael Gallagher, whose son Aidan was killed in the Omagh bombing, predicted only last month that unless the British and Irish governments acted urgently, the dissidents would develop the skills and technology to carry out lethal attacks.

Speaking to the Sunday Independent on February 19, he said: "I just hope that the Irish Government and the British government can show they are determined to not let Omagh happen again. If they are not stopped, these people will only grow in strength and improve their technology skills. They will be better organised and they will, given time, gain more support. I think the governments have been very weak. They didn't take advantage after Omagh and it seems to me that people are going to pay with their lives. Terrorism is something you have got to be on top of. By their nature, these people are innovative and if they survive they will get the right people and political violence will be here for a very long time to come."
Sunday Independent
 
#4
Marian Price is a b1tch and will never be converted to peaceful means. Let's hope she catches something terminal, slow, painful and untreatable. Life should have meant life.
 

Biped

LE
Book Reviewer
#6
It's such a shame that we, the civilised ones have to follow due process and even protect these murdering fcuks in prison.

I'm thinking one good turn deserves another, and if we know the players and the murderers, go in and kill them.

Just like the jihaddees in Iraq and Afgan - how many martyrs do they ACTUALLY want? We should give them all the dead heroes and martyrs they ask for.
 
#7
The reason these people have their free speech to spout their hate filled rhetoric is because Blair let them all off their past crimes and released them back into the community.
 
#8
Biped said:
We should give them all the dead heroes and martyrs they ask for.
That may throw fuel onto the fire, but I can understand where you're coming from. The system at the moment clearly does not work.

People acted surprised when the attack happened, because the media here in the UK was more concerned on giving minute-by-minute coverage of Jade Goody's spiralling health (or should that be strand-by-strand...), than letting people know of the shocking number of bombs/attacks that were thwarted by the PSNI et al.

I suppose though, like in the middle east, we can only succeed when the indigenous people make up their own mind. However, as we are the target of the attacks, we should be given a remit to go after the buggers to prevent further attacks on soldiers or police.
 
#9
HarryPalmer said:
Sources also say that in Craigavon, the sniper involved in the attack on the PSNI seems to have deliberately targeted the Catholic PSNI officer Stephen Carroll, who was still inside his car, while other officers, providing easier targets, were ignored. They also believe the attacks were co-ordinated and this is a source of concern as previously the dissident groups appeared to be fragmented and at odds with each other.
Sunday Independent
Complete balls. As for the term "sniper". Wouldn't give the **** involved the military credence that such a term implies. The rest of the article is pretty much spot on though. These various groups have been allowed to recruit, re-arm and organise. God forgive me, but until the government (local or Westminster, I don't really mind which) grow a set and start nailing them then they'll continue to grow in strength and support. It cannot be allowed to happen.
 
#10
The two articles by Suzanne Breen are very good, as usual, but you would have thought that she had the experience/common sense not to put an active code word into an article.
 
#13
Nope

most criminal organisations have given certain words

to certain organisations

thats how they know its real-

once used its dumped as there would be doubt as to its authenticity

the only one thats recycled is P O Neil
 
#14
Which is why this codeword won't be used again. Previous codewords would not usually have been released into the public sphere. If, for example a call came in with the codeword "hovis" and it later proved to be a genuine device. The next time "hovis" was used we would have had a pretty fair idea this time was not a hoax. Not foolproof, but that's the gist of it. Based on my previous knowledge and experience.
 
#15
hedgie said:
Nope

most criminal organisations have given certain words

to certain organisations

thats how they know its real-

once used its dumped as there would be doubt as to its authenticity

the only one thats recycled is P O Neil
I say again, nope.

They are used over and over until they are compromised (like the one from the article now is), as an example of a previous RIRA one http://www.courtsni.gov.uk/NR/rdonlyres/79D8BE5E-3EE8-4D4C-827F-E98B5401B815/0/j_j_WEI7021FINAL.htm Martha Hope was used in nearly all RIRA bomb warnings up until Omagh in 98.

It was released to the press and then Omagh and Strabane in particular were plagued with hoax calls from muppets who had seen the code word in the press.
 

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